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Résumé

Cet article se propose d’analyser l’unité des masses dans leur quête de démocratie et de justice. Il montre le rôle que ces masses entendent jouer dans la gestion des nations. Il examine les luttes qu’elles ont menées dans la période post-indépendance afin de contribuer au respect des principes démocratiques. C’est ainsi que, l’union des résistants et le Mouvement pour la Voix du Peuple, respectivement dans Silence, on Développe (1992) de Jean-Marie Adiaffi et Wizard of the Crow (2006) de Ngugi wa Thiong’o, s’engagent à restaurer les valeurs démocratiques. Cette étude souligne que l’unité demeure une stratégie de libération et un moyen de résistance et de participation à la construction d’une démocratie.

Mots-clés : démocratie, justice, libération, résistance, unité.

 

Abstract

This article proposes to analyze the unity of the masses in their quest for democracy. It examines the role the masses play in the managing of the nations in the post-independence period. The point at issue in this study is to explore the revolts undertaken by the masses in order to contribute to the respect of democracy in Jean-Marie Adiaffi’s Silence, on Développe and Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s Wizard of the Crow. Hence, in these novels the main aim of the Movement for the Voice of People and the united revolutionaries is to take part in the restoration of democratic values. The masses are aware of national building. They decide indeed to challenge the absolute power through demonstrations and resistance. Thus, this paper seeks to highlight masses’ unity as a strategy of liberation and a means of participating to the building of democracy.

Keywords: democracy, justice, liberation, revolution, unity.                            

 

 

Introduction   

       The revolt of the masses is an undercurrent subject matter in the African literary history. A case in point is God’s Bits of Wood (1962) by Ousmane Sembène which depicts the resistance of Labour Union against the French Railway Administration in the forties. In this novel, Sembène exposes on the one hand, the exploitation workers undergo and on the other hand, he emphasizes the fight against social injustices. It is particularly drawn upon Marxism that advocates a proletarian revolution for liberation.

        Another major novel remains Time of the Butcherbird (1979) by the South African Activist and writer, Alex Laguma. In the same order of resistance, Laguma’s book shows the cooperation of oppressed colored people to fight against the apartheid system and install a democratic regime so that all the citizens would share the same opportunities in terms of education, health, and work without any distinction of race, gender, color and ideological or religious belief. As such, we can state that people have always rebelled against oppressive shackles. However, in this decay, such a phenomenon is overspreading and manifests itself through diverse aspects. In many areas throughout the world, masses keep on revolting and opposing the political powers.  

       It appears that the situations are gaining ground and raise basic questions: what is the legitimacy of the resistance? Why in the post-independent states writers still picture the Masses’ participation to democracy? What are the main causes of the adversarial relationships between leaders and citizens? Why the fictionalization of political power and revolutionary movements in African literature? How can leadership be re-considered in the running of nations? Therefore, this paper focuses on the revolt in Literature, the examples of two writers: the Ivorian Jean-Marie Adiaffi Ade and the Kenyan Ngugi wa Thiong’o, respectively in their novels Silence, On Développe (1992) and Wizard of the Crow (2006). These novels belong to two different areas in terms of linguistics (Anglophone and Francophone). Comparing a novel from an English speaking environment with another from French area is basically to study, in greater details and in a large scope, the struggle for democracy. In addition, by combining these novels, that are fourteen years apart, our purpose is to see if the issue of the revolt of the masses has evolved over the course of decades in the commitment for social justice and democracy in Africa. 

       To better understand the Masses’ contribution to Democracy, this analysis attempts to use different literary approaches. Thus, as a theoretical framework, it is necessary to revisit Marxist Literary Theory. It is also important to have recourse to critical theories to underscore certain concepts such as the manipulating discourses, the notion of ideology embodied in the power of the Ruler in Wizard of the Crow and Divine Majesty in Silence, On Développe. Nowadays, the commitment of the masses can guide people (citizens and leaders) to ensure the respect of democratic principles as far as unity to better promote democracy and improve people living conditions are concerned. 

 

 

The Movement for the Voice of People: A Citizen Fight Against Dictatorship 

        In Ngugi’s Wizard of the Crow, the movement for the Voice of people (145) is a prototype of masses’ revolutions proclaiming their citizenship. It is the leading organization of the citizens in the imaginary state of Aburiria. Face to the dictatorial power of the Ruler in Aburiria Republic, it requests the ending of despotism. The movement for the Voice of people (146) is founded as the spokesperson of all the underprivileged social classes in Aburiria. In this respect, to grasp how this movement is considered as a strategy of resistance to dictatorship, it is worth going back to the notion of despotism. The latter is described by (Braunstein and Pépin, 1998: 23) when they interrogate Montesquieu’s concept of different powers saying: “The despotism, by nature, is governed by the unlimited power of One, who leads according to his only whim. His principle is the fear, feed supplied permanently with the changes linked to the will of the despot.” (My translation)

       In the light of this assertion, we point out that the main objective of the Movement for the Voice of people is to stop “The Great Dictator of Aburiria alias the Ruler of the Free Republic of Aburiria” (230). People contest the Ruler’s projects and assert that he does not set up policies in accordance with priorities of the downtrodden. The Movement (195) questions: How can the Ruler decide to favor his own interests?

        Indeed, Ngugi pictures the character of the president by using a striking imagery. In the novel, the tour of Babel that is considered as the Ruler’s kingdom, pinpoints the cornerstone of masses’ revolution. The tour of Babel is a biblical allusion according to which, the first inhabitants of the earth tried to build a tour reaching God’s sky. Consequently, God destroyed it and divided people into several communities and diverse languages. Likewise, in Wizard of the Crow, the Ruler’s obsession is identified as the tour of Babel. Such a comparison refers to a large extend to the dictatorship enforced by the Ruler. In their consciousness, the different members of the Movement for the Voice of People (227) committed themselves to restore democracy. In this regard, the masses get involved in revolutionary actions:

It was a coalition of interests all united by the one desire to recover their voice in running the affairs of the land. As part of this commitment, nobody, even those with contrary views, would be prevented from airing their views. It was a day for national self-renewal and the recovery of their individual and collective voice (676).

       

The masses organize themselves in a united movement called the Movement for the Voice of People (257) in order to thwart the policies of dictatorship. As a result, they maintain their opposition to the Ruler. Such an organization starts re-interrogating the Ruler’s powers. It calls for an uprising. In this regard, (Lafargue 1996: 22) evokes a “collective protestation” (my translation) which is designated to defy the dictatorial regime. It lays the stress on the role of the people in the fight against despotism. This action constitutes a decisive turning point in the lives of the inhabitants of Aburiria Free Republic. It can be perceived as a representation of the Marxist concept: the class struggle. Marxism describes that the conflicts opposing dominators and dominated, exploiters/exploited, oppressors/oppressed are based on class struggle. In this point, Kavanagh (1990: 308) states:

For Marxist theory, every historical society is crucially defined by its class structure, a network of relations much wider and more fundamental than a ‘form of government.’ Every society, that is, embodies a specific relation between the dominant class, which owns and controls the major means of producing wealth (in our society, large industrial apparatuses), and the producing  or working  class, which depends for its survival on selling its labor power to the dominant class.

       

In the same order of analysis, Ngugi underscores that in this fictional new independent African country, Aburiria, the political power is described as a gift shared by One Man and his faithful collaborators, the ministers: “In Aburiria there was only one party, and the Ruler was its leader” (24). In addition, the Ruler is divinized: “We in Aburiria know only One Truth, One Party, One Country, One Leader, One God” (580). Through the character of the Ruler, Ngugi shows that in many nations, instead of being in the service of the community, some political leaders prefer to find ways by which they can amass much money and raw materials.

       In addition, in his progressive supremacy, the Ruler decides to celebrate “a special birthday cake” (13). Such a ceremony necessitates many funds. The Ruler not only wastes the finances of the country but pleads with Global Bank to grant him loans. To prevent the state from indebtedness and shield the citizens from misery, the Movement for the Voice of People protests: 

Marching to Heaven is Marching to Hell. Your Strings of Loans Are Chains of Slavery. Your Loans Are the Cause of Begging. We Beggars Beg the End of Begging. The March to Heaven Is Led by Dangerous Snakes. This last slogan was chanted over and over again (74).

      
In the light of this quotation, we can state that the popular masses stand firm for the failure of the Ruler’s projects. They join hands in hands and face the Ruler so as to re-establish democracy. According to the revolutionary masses, it is overriding to defy “the Marching to Heaven” (149) initiated by the Ruler. This expression epitomizes the cult of personality and demonstrates the Ruler’s attitudes in regard to the Aburirian citizens. The Ruler colludes with the ministers and reinforces his power. In the same order of exploiting people, the ministers are accessories of the worse situations of the country. For the Movement (257), they contribute to the empowerment of the Ruler’s despotism. As an illustration we can quote Machokali, the Minister for Foreign Affairs when he declares: “His Mighty Ruler is the Mighty Country and the Mighty Country is the Ruler” (161).

        All these things considered, one can say that Ngugi’s Wizard of the Crow reveals that the Ruler, once in power ignores the daily hard living conditions of the masses. In this regard, the Movement for the Voice of People (146) expresses the sufferings of the starving community of Aburiria:

For a time we in the movement thought of campaigning against the queuing, but given the level of unemployment in this country, there was no way we were going to stop the mania. So instead we are going to make our own procession of protest. All of us men and women of Aburiria must join hands in opposing this madness of Marching to Heaven. We oppose the right of the might with the might of the right (209-210).

      

To stress the abyss between the masses’ poverty and the Ruler’s richness, Ngugi uses the term “Begging” (74). Such a word functions as an appropriate narrative strategy to unveil the hidden realities of many poor countries. Indeed, in the so-called Aburiria under-developed state, the masses notice that poverty is increasing and leaders rely on foreign assistance or World Bank, International Monetary Fund and Non-Governmental Organizations so as to achieve their policies.

       In Wizard of the Crow, the Movement for the Voice of People (160) swears to cure the country from the greed of power. The revolutionary masses set up methods to extinguish the Ruler’s goals. Meanwhile, the Ruler’s acolytes, the ministers propose to define the supremacy of power in the Constitution. They adjust the constitutional laws and uphold the Ruler’s dictatorial regime. In this respect, Sikiokuu, the minister states: 

Who does not know that the Ruler is this Country and this Country is His Mighty Country. It is also well known that many other leaders are jealous of that irrevocable identity. All I was saying is that unlicensed queuing should be banned so as not to be exploited by your enemies within and without to question that identity. Otherwise, I am a firm believer that You are the Country and the Country is You, and I propose that this fact be stated in the constitution. I swear before Your Mighty Presence that I shall myself make a motion in Parliament to amend the constitution accordingly (161).

    

Despite the persistent attempts of the Ruler and the ministers to adopt dictatorial measures and imprisonment actions in almost all the domains, the revolutionary masses keep on fighting. In the above quotation, it is worth mentioning that the Constitution which represents the intrinsic juridical rules that guide the political power is not respected by the Ruler. He tries by all means to change it. In fact, when the Ruler understands that he is losing power, he passes a law in the Parliament, a way to remain President of the Executive Power. From this angle of conceiving the governing power, the Ruler makes up that he represents the only powerful president deserving to manage the Free Republic of Aburiria. 

        Furthermore, after trying to modify the Constitution, the Ruler turns to the educative system. He insists on incorporating his ideologies in the Constitution. He claims his proficiency in educative systems. The Ruler persists that his genius plays a basic role in Education. According to him, Education must convey his political conceptions of power. For instance, his tyrannical discourse to the Aburirian masses is striking:

Everybody in Aburiria knew that the Ruler was the supreme educator Teacher number one. So all institutions of learning, from primary schools to universities colleges, would be required to teach only those ideas that come from the supreme educator (565).

     

Besides, members of the Movement for the Voice of People are determined. They require democracy in the sense that the Ruler’s tyranny increasingly affects the different fields: the social, the political and the economic. The major concern is to totally reduce the Ruler’s powers and allow the diverse strata of the community to freely accomplish their duties without any constraint. In this respect, Dele (2011: 229) writes:

From then on the Ruler never makes a successful public outing as opposition to his rule by revolutionary group known as Movement for the Voice of People keeps on rising throughout the novel despite government’s propaganda and coercive measures.

     

The organized groups of revolutionaries strengthen their movement, create unity, and on the other, take concrete actions such as demonstrations and sensitization of the people in Aburiria. “His Mighty Excellency” (560) is backed by policemen who are parroting in all the regions of the country to capture the crowd. It is worth noting that the police functions as “a repressive mechanism” (Kavanagh 1990: 308). To quote Louis Althusser (2005: 99), the police is an element of “State apparatuses.” No matter how hard the repressions are, the masses believe they are invested with a mission. As Journo (2008: 1) declares: “the Movement for the Voice of the People, led by one of the Major characters Nyawira, tries to bring democracy back to their corrupted land”. They eagerly claim for justice and the end of oppression and exploitation:

Those who want to fight for the people in the nation  and in the world must struggle for the unity of the rights of the working class in their own country ; fight against all discrimination based on race, ethnicity, color and belief systems ; they must struggle against all gender based inequalities and therefore fight for the rights ( 428).

       

In Wizard of the Crow, The Movement for the Voice of People is guided by a strong belief in the masses’ collaboration. Its revolution originates from the Ruler’s regime which leaves aside the preoccupations of the society to achieve his own purposes. In Silence, On Développe, the different fronts created in the country ally themselves for a Democratic Republic. In this novel, the struggle for Democracy is the main concern Jean Marie Adiaffi emphasizes.

 

 

The Unity of the Masses: A Resistance for Democracy 

        In Silence, On Développe, the revolution of the masses against political power is characterized by a mobilization of several popular fronts. Those groups are organized in public meetings. Hence, each class appoints a representative to propose solutions. How democratic values be saved? This question awakens masses in their search for democracy. In the Republic of Assiéliédougou, the tyrannical power of N’Da Fangan results in revolution: “The people of Assiéliédougou are fed up with starvation, working for the others, to work in misery for the prosperity of others” (475). (My translation)

         In fact, a union for a Democratic Republic is born. This alliance is essentially composed of all frustrated people against social injustices. In this respect (Mangu 2006: 5), in his analysis of masses’ defiance of rulers writes: “the consecration of the authoritarian regimes, calling the masses for the revolt”. In Silence on Développe, the people of Assiéliédougou are aware that “the true democracy” (57) necessitates true fighting rooted in unity. It is therefore an obligation for the “Revolutionary Comity of Democracy and National Salvation” (516), the journalists, the “General Union of Workers for Liberation” (379), “the farmers of the National Federation Peasants” (379), “ Religions, Temples and Mosques’ Commission” (379), “Cells of a Local, Revolutionary Power” (462), the “Comity of women liberation” (464) to cooperate in order to resist the dictatorship of “Divine Majesty” (298). (My translation)

        The revolutionary masses of Assiéliédougou discover that N’Da Fangan oppresses people by building prisons to punish those who contest his regime. They unite to liberate their brothers, sisters, parents, citizens against exploitation. As Okenimkpe and Cook (1997:83) write: “New weapons, new strategies will be needed for the new battle, but unity remains the key victory”. The strength of the oppressed masses is based on unity despite the religious, ethnic, tribal, and social differences. During the meetings organized, each delegation of the movements mentioned above has to appoint a representative for the general struggle.

       Indeed, the primary demand of the united masses is focused on “the Lights of the revolt” (my translation) (77). In other words, they realize that N’Da Fangan enforces a draconian political power. The name assigned to this leader demonstrates to what extent the president is a dictator: “His Ordurial Majesty Wise-King-Emperor-Pharhaon-Prophet-Messiah-President-For-ever” (201) (my translation). It shows that Divine Majesty tries to infuse a certain sense of fear in the masses’ mind. His reign is what Courtés (1991: 12) describes as a “power of manipulation” (my translation). In his analysis of discourses, Courtés sheds light on the ways dominators try to handle their discourses in order to make the dominated submissive. Words become an efficient weapon in the hands of the leader. They are used to psychologically influence the choice of the masses. In order to have a clear understanding of the psychological effect of the ideological discourses on the dominated masses, it is interesting to review Althusser’s theory. As Terry Eagleton (1983: 171) remarks: “human subjects very often come to submit themselves to the dominant ideologies which Althusser perceives as vital to maintaining the power of a ruling class.”

     In this framework of ensuring tyranny, N’Da Fangan regards himself as an unchallenged leader, someone whose leadership is sacred:

Yes, the Wise, the King, the Emperor, the Pharaoh, the Prophet, the Messiah, the President for ever N’Da Fangan Walé alias N’da Bettie Sounan reigns and governs in an absolute, deadly way, with a hand that does not share, tyrannical. He is God on earth. He is attributed the title of official, juridical: Divine Majesty (355).

        

This conception urges people to maintain the struggle. They understand that the “struggle for national unity and democracy necessarily is a struggle against neo-colonial structures” (Ngugi, 1986:124). Consequently, a “new revolutionary and democratic consciousness” (200) (my translation) emerges throughout the Republic of Assiéliédougou. This way of challenging political power can be more understood in the terms of Vincent Ouatara (2001:113), the “democratic revolution” (my translation). Such an expression exhibits the direct changes that come from mass movement.  In the same order of analysis, Bernard Mouralis (2005:8) points out “the theme of the revolution” (my translation) in many postcolonial states. Consequently, masses devote themselves to establish democracy.

      Moreover, in Silence, on Développe, Sounan argues: “Our prophet: it is the people. Our priestess, is the democracy: it is the people” (55) (my translation). The revolutionary, popular movement extends its struggle in all the areas of Assiéliédougou. Wawoue, Adoux Aba Djinan, Ehiman, the Priest, Tahua are in the forefront of the resistance. They are the leaders of the different organizations of the country.

       In the quest for a true Democratic Republic, leaders who side with the masses pronounce discourses in forms of sermons to stress the legitimacy of the fight. Such a strategy is to convey messages of determination and commitment. In Silence, on Développe, Jean-Marie Adiaffi emphasizes the essential role masses played in democracy as far as their fates are concerned. “A revolutionary mass action” (377) (my translation) is necessary to alter the dictatorial regime of Divine Majesty. The latter declares that the political power of the Republic of Assiéliédougou is from a divine origin given to him for the benefits of the citizens. This conception of power revolts the masses. Ehiman’s incitation is an illustration of the contestations:

I also greet the brave people of Assiéliédougou. This wonderful rebelious people, this courageous, admirable, inventive, this people of endurance, sacrifices, heroism, martyrdom. In fact, dear friends, people’s history is the history of the Resistance: their Resistance, resistance to oppression. Resistance to political oppression. Resistance to cultural oppression. Resistance to financial oppression. Resistance to ideological oppression. Resistance to economic oppression and permanent police repression. Resistance against injustice, Resistance against tyranny, Resistance against Arbitrary, Resistance, Resistance, Resistance against infernal of total enslavement of our people (390). (My translation)

       

In the light of this anaphoric discourse and through the repetition of the term “Resistance”, we point out that Ehiman calls the masses for unity so as to deliver themselves from all forms of servitude. He reminds the revolutions of the past as lessons for the citizens of Assiéliédougou. The resistance is not limited to a specific fact but it is enlarged to all the domains. According to Ehiman, the masses must fight against all the hindrances to their emancipation. After Ehiman, the priest who speaks on the behalf of the “National Alliance of Liberation” (392) (my translation) addresses people in the meeting and puts emphasis on the necessity to build a strong democracy for the nation of Assiéliédougou:

Revolutionary Comity of Democracy and National Salvation. It is a revolutionary comity of Resurrection, Rebirth, and national Redemption. After the night of dictatorship, after the chaos of the dictatorship, people must learn to look at the sun with fragile eyes of an animal that emerges from a night cavern, the prehistory cavern, and the cavern of barbarians who sow the night, the death, the misery, the injustice, the slavery and the distress (516). (My translation)

       

For Niamen the priest, it is not sufficient to oppose dictatorship. Another basic aspect of the revolution is how to ensure democracy in the future. From this view, we can say that nowadays, in many masses revolutionary movements, the re-establishment of democracy is a great issue. In some cases, countries fall into troubles but the periods to reconcile and have legitimate political powers that can guarantee stability and peace remain a wayside cross in the lives of citizens.

      Unlike Niamen, Wawoue’s major preoccupation is the assessment of the etymology of politics in comparison with ND’a Fangan’s political power. Politics is no longer in the service of people in Assiéliédougou Republic. Wawoue suggests bringing back the sacred principles of politics. It is to redefine politics and its targets in the leadership of the country. According to this activist, “the revolutionary popular movement” (519) (my translation) strives for the rehabilitation of democratic tenets. Instead of being considered as the art of governing people for their well-being, politics is regarded as an appropriate way towards enrichment and exploitation by a minority and powerful class. Wawoue makes indignant: “Politics as the art to mistaken people, politics as a way to gain interests and, not a means in the service of the liberation of oppressed, a means to reduce injustice and slavery” (521). (My translation)

      Tahua appeals for the protection of citizens’ liberties, given that N’Da Fangan’s political regime hinders the freedom of expression. Tahua favors the organization of protestations, demonstrations and strikes in Assiéliédougou. This form of expressing revolution for democracy is what Ngugi (2007: 164) puts in the following statement:

With the neo-colonial states, the anti-imperialist alliance of democratic forces will intensify the struggle against the rule of the alliance of the comprador classes and imperialism/…/ there will be a greater and greater call and demand for a Pan-Africanism of the proletariat and the peasantry through their progressive democratic organizations.

      

The new struggle entails that the revolutionary masses accept to confer the president the political power through electoral vote to improve their living conditions. For Tahua, from colonization to neocolonialism, the inhabitants of Assiéliédougou have still experienced exploitation hence the resistance for democracy: 

The people of Assiéliédougou have tasted the fruits of liberty. They will never be commanded by a tyrant. Again, they will fight to defend the liberty, if it is newly threatened not by the dead colonizers, but by us, Negros between Negros, brothers between brothers. It is a new stage of the struggle (196). (My translation)

      

Finally, the revolutionary masses who struggle against the despotic reign of Majesty Divine resort to another strategy. A popular uprising dwells on the nation of Assiéliédougou. The revolt against the authoritarian system of N’Da Fangan becomes overpowering. The masses sing the coming democratic victory. The era of the dictator’s downfall has rung. In their ways to Talouakro Prison, they rise up so that democracy shines. The crowd demonstrates and laud songs of resistance to dictatorship calling for the restoration of democracy:

Resist

Stand up courage

Stand up brave

Stand up sword of justice

Stand up angry of justice

Stand up hatred

Against injustice, Saint anger,

Against the tyranny, the dictatorship,

Stand up my free land

Stand up my free town,

My land, my town, my liberate country (472). (My translation)

 

 

Conclusion

       In this study we have examined how the masses contribute to democracy. In literature, the corpus has been based on two recent African novels respectively: the one from a French speaking area Silence, On Développe by Jean-Marie Adiaffi and the other from an English one Wizard of the Crow by Ngugi wa Thiong’o. Thus, two major points have been discussed. In Wizard of the Crow, the Movement for the Voice of People resorts to revolutions in order to impede the dictatorial regime of the Ruler. Through the Movement for the Voice of People, Ngugi unveils the misconduct of some African post-independent countries that make the exploited people rebel against some elected leaders of the nations. This phenomenon draws attention to the citizen commitment of the masses. In Silence, On Développe, democracy greatly preoccupies them. In this novel, characters from diverse social strata combine their efforts to mark out the way towards democracy. The awareness of the revolutionary folk in the struggle for a democratic nation is all the more determinant that masses become strongly united.     

      The conclusion draws from this article remains that it is of paramount importance citizens play a basic role in democracy. Today, the masses’ fight for democracy in Wizard of the Crow and Silence, On Développe, draws the attention regarding the sacredness of human dignity which can be expressed through the respect of the agreement between leaders and the masses.

 

 

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